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- <text id=91TT1959>
- <link 91TT0600>
- <title>
- Sep. 02, 1991: The White House:Let's Stay in Touch
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Sep. 02, 1991 The Russian Revolution
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION, Page 48
- THE WHITE HOUSE
- Let's Stay in Touch
- </hdr><body>
- <p>How Yeltsin persuaded George Bush to speak out strongly--if a
- bit belatedly--against the plotters
- </p>
- <p>By Michael Duffy/Kennebunkport--With reporting by Dan Goodgame/
- Kennebunkport
- </p>
- <p> George Bush realized he might be inadvertently backing the
- wrong horse in the Soviet power struggle when the text of a one-
- page letter from Boris Yeltsin reached him as he flew from Maine
- to Washington aboard Air Force One. Bravely resisting the coup
- against long odds, Yeltsin implored Bush to bring "the attention
- of the world and the United Nations" to bear on Moscow and
- "demand the restoration" of President Mikhail Gorbachev. Yeltsin
- added what for Bush are magic words, asking for "operational
- contacts." Translation: "Give me a call."
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin penned his plea after Bush had delivered his first
- tentative remarks about the intentions of the coup plotters
- Monday morning. Bush had carefully--and, it later seemed,
- prophetically--suggested that the putsch might fizzle. "Coups
- can fail," said Bush. "They can take over at first, and then they
- run up against the will of the people."
- </p>
- <p> But if Bush had left one light on for the people, he had left
- another light on for their new masters. Because previous Soviet
- crackdowns had rarely failed, he was reluctant to bet against,
- much less condemn, the junta. Bush also needed to maintain civil
- relations in order to do business with a new regime later on.
- Moreover, American officials couldn't be sure that Gorbachev
- really wasn't sick.
- </p>
- <p> Bush's unshakable faith in the power of personal diplomacy
- dictated conciliation. Like his tepid initial responses to the
- fall of the Berlin Wall and the Tiananmen Square massacre, the
- President's first instincts stemmed not so much from what he
- insists are guiding "principles" as from a deep fear of change
- and a desire to do business with a single and authoritative head
- of state. Bush has often said in the past, "The enemy is
- instability."
- </p>
- <p> Perhaps because he wasn't sure with whom he might next deal,
- Bush sounded a hopeful note that morning about Gennadi Yanayev,
- Gorbachev's handpicked Vice President and the coup's titular
- leader. Yanayev, as it happened, had joined Bush as a guest on
- board Air Force One when the President flew from Moscow to Kiev
- during his summit trip just 18 days earlier. "My gut instinct,"
- Bush said, "was that he has a certain commitment to reform." Bush
- also took care to describe the coup as "extraconstitutional,"
- fearing that "unconstitutional" was too strong and might offend
- the plotters.
- </p>
- <p> Hearing of Bush's remarks from his command center in the
- Russian Parliament Building, Yeltsin ordered his foreign minister
- to deliver a letter for Bush to the top U.S. diplomat in Moscow.
- Deputy chief of mission Jim Collins picked up the missive himself
- and cabled it to Washington. From there, Robert Gates, Deputy
- National Security Adviser, relayed it to Brent Scowcroft, who
- read it aboard Air Force One and informed Bush of its contents.
- </p>
- <p> The White House immediately began to retreat from Bush's
- earlier ambivalent remarks and voice support for Yeltsin.
- Scowcroft spoke with reporters in midair, criticizing Yanayev and
- describing the coup as "quite negative." After arriving at the
- White House, Bush sat in on a meeting of the deputies committee,
- a group of senior officials who were monitoring the situation and
- were by then beginning to uncover the plotters' mistakes. Several
- members of the group had begun to describe the coup as "half-
- assed."
- </p>
- <p> After the session, Bush issued a second public statement.
- This time he fully backed Yeltsin and condemned the coup, which
- he now described as "unconstitutional." The statement also used
- language drawn verbatim from Yeltsin's letter, calling for "the
- reaffirmation of the post of U.S.S.R. President M.S. Gorbachev."
- Explained an official: "It was diplomacy through the media. This
- was a clear signal from us to Yeltsin." That night Bush told
- aides, "This may be the first time that a coup fails in the
- Soviet Union."
- </p>
- <p> By 7:15 Tuesday morning, Bush was in his small West Wing
- study, tapping out an eight-point "to do" list on his personal
- computer. Most important was item No. 3: "Keep in touch with
- Boris Yeltsin." Bush put that one into effect within the hour,
- assuring the besieged Russian president by telephone of
- Washington's support. A day later, the two men spoke again, and
- Bush asked if it would be "helpful" to speak out again on the
- protesters' behalf. Yeltsin's reply: "Yes! Yes! Yes!" Later that
- night, Yeltsin called once more to announce that Gorbachev was
- safely back in Moscow and to thank Bush repeatedly for his help.
- </p>
- <p> Bush didn't get through to Gorbachev until Wednesday noon,
- when the two men had an emotional 12-minute conversation. Careful
- not to gloat, Bush appeared before reporters for the second time
- in three hours, wearing a solemn face and explaining in a guarded
- voice that the coup had failed. The reason, Bush added, was that
- the plotters had underestimated the people's devotion to
- democracy. True enough, but as an Administration official
- admitted, "So did we, at least for the first 12 hours or so."
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
-